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MandoKhail
12-11-2006, 02:08 PM
Pakistan’s Tribal Areas: Appeasing the Militants
Asia Report N°125
11 December 2006

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS


Taliban and other foreign militants, including al-Qaeda sympathisers, have sheltered since 2001 in Pakistan’s Pashtun-majority Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), seven administrative districts bordering on south eastern Afghanistan. Using the region to regroup, reorganise and rearm, they are launching increasingly severe cross-border attacks on Afghan and international military personnel, with the support and active involvement of Pakistani militants. The Musharraf government’s ambivalent approach and failure to take effective action is destabilising Afghanistan; Kabul’s allies, particularly the U.S. and NATO, which is now responsible for security in the bordering areas, should apply greater pressure on it to clamp down on the pro-Taliban militants. But the international community, too, bears responsibility by failing to support democratic governance in Pakistan, including within its troubled tribal belt.

The military operations Pakistan has launched since 2004 in South and North Waziristan Agencies to deny al-Qaeda and the Taliban safe haven and curb cross-border militancy have failed, largely due to an approach alternating between excessive force and appeasement. When force has resulted in major military losses, the government has amnestied pro-Taliban militants in return for verbal commitments to end attacks on Pakistani security forces and empty pledges to cease cross-border militancy and curb foreign terrorists.

The government reached accords with pro-Taliban militants in April 2004 in South Waziristan and on 5 September 2006 in North Waziristan. These were brokered by the pro-Taliban Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI-F), the largest component of the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal (MMA), the ruling six-party religious alliance in Northwest Frontier Province (NWFP) and Musharraf’s coalition partner in the Balochistan provincial government. Following the September accord, the government released militants, returned their weapons, disbanded security check posts and agreed to allow foreign terrorists to stay if they gave up violence. While the army has virtually retreated to barracks, this accommodation facilitates the growth of militancy and attacks in Afghanistan by giving pro-Taliban elements a free hand to recruit, train and arm.

Badly planned, poorly conducted military operations are also responsible for the rise of militancy in the tribal belt, where the loss of lives and property and displacement of thousands of civilians have alienated the population. The state’s failure to extend its control over and provide good governance to its citizens in FATA is equally responsible for empowering the radicals. The only sustainable way of dealing with the challenges of militancy, governance and extremism in FATA is through the rule of law and an extension of civil and political rights. Instead, the government has reinforced administrative and legal structures that undermine the state and spur anarchy.

FATA is tenuously governed because of deliberate policy, not Pashtun tribal traditions or resistance. Since 1947, Pakistan has ruled it by retaining colonial-era administrative and judicial systems unsuited to modern governance. Repressive structures and denial of political representation have generated resentment. To deflect external pressure to curb radicalism, the Musharraf government talks about reforms in FATA but does not follow through. Instead, appeasement has allowed local militants to establish parallel, Taliban-style policing and court systems in the Waziristans, while Talibanisation also spreads into other FATA agencies and even the NWFP’s settled districts.

It is equally important to generate broad-based economic development. Neglected for decades, FATA is one of Pakistan’s poorest regions, with high poverty and unemployment and badly under-developed infrastructure. Located astride the Afghanistan border and a major regional transit route, its economy is dependent on smuggling. Since the outbreak of the Afghan civil war, there has been enormous growth in drugs and weapons trafficking. Militancy and extremism in tribal agencies cannot be tackled without firm action against criminality. But for this, economic grievances must be addressed and the law of the land extended over and enforced in FATA.

RECOMMENDATIONS

To the Government of Pakistan:

1. Integrate the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), following extensive consultations with local stakeholders, into Northwest Frontier Province as a Provincially Administered Tribal Area (PATA), under executive control of the province and jurisdiction of the regular provincial and national court system and with representation in the provincial legislature.

2. Remove restrictions on political parties in FATA and introduce party-based elections for the provincial and national legislatures.

3. Respect and implement Article 8 of the constitution, which voids any customs inconsistent with constitutionally guaranteed fundamental rights.

4. Re-establish the writ of the state and counter militancy in FATA by:

(a) disarming militants, shutting down terrorist training camps and ending the flow of money and weapons to and recruitment and training by Taliban and other foreign or local militants on Pakistani territory;

(b) prosecuting those responsible for killing civilians and government officials; and

(c) preventing militants from establishing parallel administrative structures, demolishing those that exit and prosecuting those who are delivering private justice.

5. Generate employment in FATA by:

(a) creating manufacturing/industrial units and providing technical assistance, subsidies and other incentives for agricultural activities;

(b) developing the area’s natural resources, including minerals and coal; and

(c) developing human resources by investing in education, including vocational training schools and technical colleges.

6. Open FATA to the media and allow independent human rights monitors to investigate possible human rights violations and abuses by the civil administration or law-enforcement agencies.

To the Government of Afghanistan:

7. Work with Pakistan and NATO-ISAF in the military-to-military Tri-Partite Commission to ensure greater coordination in curbing cross-border militancy.

To the United States and the European Union:

8. Press the Pakistan government to take action against pro-Taliban elements in FATA and publish monthly NATO figures of cross-border incursions into Afghanistan to encourage it to do more on its side of the border.

9. Make support for Reconstruction Opportunity Zones in the tribal belt conditional on steps by Pakistan to end Taliban-style parallel administrative and judicial structures and ensure participation of moderate stakeholders in identifying and implementing development projects.

10. Press President Musharraf to allow free, fair and democratic elections in 2007 and give political and economic support for the process.

Islamabad/Brussels, 11 December 2006

MandoKhail
12-11-2006, 02:11 PM
Pakistan’s Tribal Areas: Stop Appeasing the Militants

Islamabad/Brussels, 11 December 2006: The Musharraf government’s appeasement of Taliban sympathisers has resulted in a base in Pakistan’s tribal areas that militants are using to stoke instability both at home and in neighbouring Afghanistan.

Pakistan’s Tribal Areas: Appeasing the Militants,* the latest report from the International Crisis Group, examines interlinked issues of governance, militancy and extremism in the Pashtun-majority Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). It identifies the challenges the government faces in wresting control of these areas and the stakes for the U.S. and other Western countries.

“Over the past five years, the Musharraf government has tried first brute force, then appeasement. Both have failed”, says Samina Ahmed, Crisis Group’s South Asia Project Director. “Islamabad’s tactics have only emboldened the pro-Taliban militants”.

Since 2001, Taliban and other foreign militants have found shelter in FATA, using it to regroup, reorganise and rearm. Afghanistan is experiencing the most deadly insurgent violence in five years, much of it staged and launched from the border regions. The Musharraf government’s failure to extend its control over and provide good governance to its citizens in FATA has enabled this militancy to flourish.

The government, which made deals with the pro-Taliban groups in April 2004 in South Waziristan and on 5 September 2006 in North Waziristan, has released militants, returned their weapons and agreed to let foreign terrorists stay on a promise to give up violence. This has given pro-Taliban elements license to recruit and arm, resulting in a serious increase in cross-border attacks against U.S., NATO and Afghan forces.

President Musharraf has been reluctant to take more consequential action in the tribal belt because his government depends upon support from radical religious groups and parties which sympathise with the militants. However, it needs to institute broad political and economic measures to curb extremism, beginning by integrating FATA into the Northwest Frontier Province, developing its natural resources and spurring agriculture. It should disarm militants, shut down their training camps, and prosecute those responsible for killing civilians and officials, while opening FATA to the media and human rights monitors.

The U.S. and the EU should make continued economic and diplomatic support to Musharraf contingent not only on such actions but also upon his allowing free, democratic elections in 2007. “The U.S. and Europe need to realise that democratic, civilian government, not military rule, is their best and natural ally against extremism and terrorism”, says Robert Templer, Crisis Group’s Asia Director.

“These border areas are still run under colonial-era laws that make their people second-class citizens in Pakistan. Unless the government institutes real democratic change, extremism and terrorism will quickly overtake the entire region”, says Ahmed.


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Contacts: Andrew Stroehlein (Brussels) +32 (0) 2 541 1635
Kimberly Abbott (Washington) +1 202 785 1601
To contact Crisis Group media please click here
*Read the full Crisis Group report on our website: http://www.crisisgroup.org

MandoKhail
12-11-2006, 02:15 PM
You can read full report in MS-word here

http://www.crisisgroup.org/library/documents/asia/south_asia/125_pakistans_tribal_areas___appeasing_the_militan ts.doc

MandoKhail
12-11-2006, 02:22 PM
Pakistan: The Worsening Conflict in Balochistan
Asia Report N°119
14 September 2006

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS

President Pervez Musharraf and the military are responsible for the worsening of the conflict in Balochistan. Tensions between the government and its Baloch opposition have grown because of Islamabad’s heavy-handed armed response to Baloch militancy and its refusal to negotiate demands for political and economic autonomy. The killing of Baloch leader Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti in August 2006 sparked riots and will likely lead to more confrontation. The conflict could escalate if the government insists on seeking a military solution to what is a political problem and the international community, especially the U.S., fails to recognise the price that is involved for security in neighbouring Afghanistan.

Tensions with the central government are not new to Balochistan, given the uneven distribution of power, which favors the federation at the cost of the federal units. The Baloch have long demanded a restructured relationship that would transfer powers from what is seen as an exploitative central government to the provinces. But Musharraf’s authoritarian rule has deprived them of participatory, representative avenues to articulate demands and to voice grievances. Politically and economically marginalised, many Baloch see the insurgency as a defensive response to the perceived colonisation of their province by the Punjabi-dominated military.

Although regional parties still seek provincial autonomy within a federal parliamentary democratic framework, and there is, as yet, little support for secession, militant sentiments could grow if Islamabad does not reverse ill-advised policies that include:

exploitation of Balochistan’s natural resources without giving the province its due share;
construction of further military garrisons to strengthen an already extensive network of military bases; and
centrally driven and controlled economic projects, such as the Gwadar deep sea port, that do not benefit locals but raise fears that the resulting influx of economic migrants could make the Baloch a minority in their homeland.
While Baloch alienation is widespread, crossing tribal, regional and class lines, the military government insists that a few sardars (tribal leaders) are challenging the centre’s writ, concerned that their power base would be eroded by Islamabad’s plans to develop Balochistan; the state therefore has little option but to meet the challenge head on. This failure to accept the legitimacy of grievances lies at the heart of an increasingly intractable conflict, as does Islamabad’s reliance on coercion and indiscriminate force to silence dissent.

The military government should recognise that it faces conflict not with a handful of sardars but with a broad-based movement for political, economic and social empowerment. The only one way out is to end all military action, release political prisoners and respect constitutionally guaranteed political freedoms.

As a preliminary confidence-building measure, Islamabad should implement recommendations of the Parliamentary Committee on Balochistan, which have local support. But a sustainable solution requires implementation, in spirit and substance, of constitutional provisions for political, administrative and economic autonomy. The federation would also be strengthened if the national parliament were to amend the constitution, to shift powers from an overbearing centre to the provinces. However, centralised rule is the hallmark of authoritarianism. Like its predecessors, this military government is averse to democratic engagement and powersharing, preferring to retain and consolidate power through patron-client relations and divide-and-rule strategies.

Reliance on the Pashtun religious parties to counter its Baloch opposition has strengthened Pashtun Islamist forces at the cost of the moderate Baloch. With their chief Pakistani patron, Fazlur Rehman’s Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam running the Balochistan government in alliance with Musharraf’s Muslim League (Quaid-i-Azam), a reinvigorated Afghan and Pakistani Taliban are attacking international forces and the Kabul government across Balochistan’s border with Afghanistan. But the international community, particularly the U.S. and its Western allies, seem to ignore the domestic and regional implications of the Balochistan conflict, instead placing their faith in a military government that is targeting the anti-Taliban Baloch and Pashtuns and rewarding pro-Taliban Pashtun parties.

With the federal government refusing to compromise with its Baloch opponents, intent on a military solution to a political problem and ignoring local stakeholders in framing political and economic policies, the directions of the conflict are clear. The military can retain control over Balochistan’s territory through sheer force, but it cannot defeat an insurgency that has local support.

Still, the conflict could be resolved easily. Free and fair elections in 2007 would restore participatory representative institutions, reducing tensions between the centre and the province, empowering moderate forces and marginalising extremists in Balochistan. In the absence of a democratic transition, however, the militancy is unlikely to subside. The longer the conflict continues, the higher the costs – political, social and economic for a fragile polity.

RECOMMENDATIONS:

To the Government of Pakistan:

1. End reliance on a military solution in Balochistan and quickly take the following steps to deescalate:

(a) cease military action, send the armed forces back to the barracks and restrict their role to guarding the province’s land and nautical borders;

(b) withdraw the Frontier Corps, replacing it with provincial security forces that are firmly under provincial control;

(c) dismantle all check posts manned by paramilitary and other federal security agencies; and

(d) halt construction of military bases (cantonments) and end plans to construct additional military or paramilitary facilities.

2. Respect democratic freedoms by:

(a) producing immediately all detainees before the courts and releasing political prisoners;

(b) ending the political role of intelligence agencies, military and civil, and barring them from detaining prisoners;

(c) withdrawing travel restrictions, internal and external, on Baloch opposition leaders and activists;

(d) ending intimidation, torture, arbitrary arrests, disappearances and extra-judicial killings;

(e) allowing all political parties to function freely, respecting the constitutionally guaranteed rights of speech and expression, assembly, association and movement; and

(f) respecting the constitutional obligation to preserve and promote distinct language and culture.

3. Entrust the Baloch with more responsibility for their own security by:

(a) accepting provincial jurisdiction over law and order and policing;

(b) retaining Balochistan Levies, re-establishing those that have been disbanded, reforming them into a professional force accountable to provincial authority and replacing them by the police only once police reform has been enacted countrywide;

(c) ensuring that locals are recruited to the police force and Levies in Balochistan; and

(d) meeting the quota for Baloch recruitment in the armed forces and federal security agencies.

4. Allow local and international media unhindered access to all districts in Balochistan, including the conflict zones.

5. Begin immediately a dialogue with all regional and national-level political parties on ways of solving the crisis and create a favorable environment for such a dialogue by:

(a) implementing at once recommendations of the Mushahid Hussain parliamentary subcommittee, particularly those that pertain to revised gas royalties, social sector expenditure by the federation as well as oil and gas companies, and jobs for Baloch in the federal government and its institutions;

(b) establishing and empowering the special task force proposed by the Mushahid Hussain subcommittee to monitor and implement these recommendations;

(c) revising the distribution criteria for National Finance Commission awards to account for backwardness, level of development, geographic size, and revenue levels of the provinces; and

(d) reviving the moribund Council of Common Interests, accepting parliamentary authority over the body, and accepting and implementing its decisions.

6. Ensure sustainable development with local ownership by:

(a) meeting Baloch concerns about Gwadar Port by placing the project under provincial government control; ending the practice of allocating coastal lands to security agencies; giving local fishermen unimpeded access to their fishing grounds; revising the “master plan” so locals are not dislocated; addressing pressing health and education needs, with an emphasis on new technical institutes and colleges; and implementing job quotas for locals at the port and related projects;

(b) ensuring in Sui and other oil and gas extraction projects that the well head value and natural gas rates are on par with other provinces; renegotiating natural gas rates and the royalty formula; encouraging oil and gas companies to hire and train Baloch workers and allocate funds for social development; and consulting with the province on privatisation of the oil and gas industry and other state-owned enterprises; and

(c) making the provincial government a party to all investment and development projects.

MandoKhail
12-11-2006, 02:23 PM
7. Refocus policies towards human development by:

(a) allocating an annual financial package for social sector development pursuant to district level recommendations;

(b) granting specific funds for hospitals, technical institutions, medical colleges and universities, as well as high schools in all districts; and

(c) developing irrigation schemes, including small dams, for rural Balochistan, on the recommendation of the provincial government.

To the National Assembly:

8. Enhance provincial autonomy and strengthen the federation by:

(a) eliminating the Concurrent Legislative List and devolving all its subjects to the provinces;

(b) constituting a bipartisan parliamentary committee to recommend, within a fixed timeframe, the transfer of subjects from the Federal Legislative List to the provinces, beginning with subjects in Part II of the list;

(c) enacting legislation to regulate and monitor land allotment, sales and transfers in Gwadar; and

(d) constituting a parliamentary committee, with an equal number of members from the ruling and opposition benches, to examine cases of abuse of power by security agencies.

To the Supreme Court:

9. Form a high-level judicial commission to enquire into the 26 August 2006 killing of Baloch nationalist leader Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti.

To the International Community:

10. Urge the Pakistan government to immediately end military action in Balochistan.

11. Press the Pakistan government to end all practices that violate international human rights standards, including torture, arbitrary arrests, detentions, and extra-judicial killings.

Islamabad/Brussels, 14 September 2006

MandoKhail
12-11-2006, 09:51 PM
Every one plz listen to BBC Pashto''narray daa wakht'',it is important regarding this report and listen what Lateef Lala is saying.

DawezayMomand
12-11-2006, 10:00 PM
Mandokhela, dera manana yaar.

DawezayMomand
12-11-2006, 10:05 PM
Every one plz listen to BBC Pashto''narray daa wakht'',it is important regarding this report and listen what Lateef Lala is saying.

BBC - Narrhai daa wakhth (http://www.bbc.co.uk/pashto/meta/tx/nb/lateevening_au_nb.ram)

MandoKhail
12-11-2006, 10:22 PM
BBC - Narrhai daa wakhth (http://www.bbc.co.uk/pashto/meta/tx/nb/lateevening_au_nb.ram)
Harkala aw dera manana la de karshai na...oss me cham izda krrai...guess what?:icon_biggrin: